May 09 2008
Why am I not surprised?
It was reported Tuesday by the Guardian that the British police solved “[o]nly 3% of street robberies in London… using CCTV images, despite the fact that Britain has more security cameras than any other country in Europe.”
The CCTV phenomenon in the UK has thus far been very much akin to car alarms here in the US. In the US, car alarms shake rattle and roll the neighborhoods at all hours of the day, waking people up from their slumbers at two a.m. just because an eighteen-wheeler truck decided to pass by, etc. And with all that ruckus, after all the beeps, honks, and wha-wha’s, these obnoxious things don’t prevent barely any car thefts.
Likewise, the CCTV’s in Britain has failed to provide any meaningful deterrent to people committing crimes. After all, people who’ve been trying to stay abreast of this controversial Orwellian fiasco have heard trickling reports of victims of crimes standing in front of the camera crying for help to no avail.
Here are a couple of the more visible examples of the CCTV’s failure:
Earlier this month [January 2008], a court heard how a microphone mounted on a CCTV device recorded the groans of father-of-three Mark Witherall, 47, as he was beaten and left to die by raiders after catching them at his house in Whitstable, Kent.
In another case, a microphone on a CCTV camera picked up the screams of a woman and her child who were attacked and abused last year by a would-be arsonist at their home in Lancashire.
The cameras literally sat there and observed a man beaten to death and a woman and child attacked and neither it nor anybody behind the camera did anything to stop it. And British police are often loathe to backtrack to the CCTV’s images of committed crimes because, well, “it’s hard work”.
After spending billions of pounds on this ineffective system, and in the process created the foundation for a dictatorship, Britain’s reaction isn’t to admit failure and recommit resources elsewhere. It is to up the ante.
Detective Chief Inspector Mick Neville said, “Billions of pounds has been spent on kit, but no thought has gone into how the police are going to use the images and how they will be used in court. It’s been an utter fiasco: only 3% of crimes were solved by CCTV. There’s no fear of CCTV. Why don’t people fear it? [They think] the cameras are not working.“[Emphasis is mine.]
That’s an interesting statement, isn’t it? People are committing crimes and the CCTV’s are not preventing them from happening because, ultimately, people don’t fear it. The logical question to ask is: If criminals have to fear the CCTV’s in order to not commit crimes, what can they do to make the criminals fear the CCTV’s? What deterrent should be in place to instill that fear?
But there is another elephant-sized problem they haven’t addressed. CCTV’s are indiscriminate in their observations; they see and hear whatever is in their paths irrespective of a person’s status as an ordinary citizen or a criminal.
So, what assurances can they possibly give to a population which is already under the watchful eye of tens of thousands of cameras that these new measures won’t further erode their freedoms? Would whatever is made to instill fear in the hearts of criminals through these CCTV’s would also instill fear in the hearts of ordinary citizens?
To give the CCTV’s more teeth than they currently have, New Scotland Yard is launching these new initiatives:
· A new database of images which is expected to use technology developed by the sports advertising industry to track and identify offenders.
· Putting images of suspects in muggings, rape and robbery cases out on the internet from next month.
· Building a national CCTV database, incorporating pictures of convicted offenders as well as unidentified suspects. The plans for this have been drawn up, but are on hold while the technology required to carry out automated searches is refined.
The reasoning behind this increase in the centralization of information is clear enough. The local police is overwhelmed with criminal cases, and it is just too much effort to track down and ask for permission to share information from various authorities and jurisdictions. An integrated national system to share information, video images, etc. would make the jobs of the British police easier.
However, this kind of system is fraught with perils, and I’m afraid the power of this system would eventually or immediately devolve to the bureaucrats in Whitehall.
[Detective Chief Neville said] “We are also going to start putting out [pictures] on the internet, on the Met police website, asking ‘who is this guy?’. If criminals see that CCTV works they are less likely to commit crimes.”
Cheshire deputy chief constable Graham Gerrard, who chairs the CCTV working group of the Association of Chief Police Officers, told the Guardian, that it made no sense to have a national DNA and fingerprint database, but to have to approach 43 separate forces for images of suspects and offenders. A scheme called the Facial Identification National Database (Find), which began collecting offenders’ images from their prison pictures and elsewhere, has been put on hold.
…
Asked about the development of a CCTV database, the office of the UK’s information commissioner, Richard Thomas, said: “CCTV can play an important role in helping to prevent and detect crime. However we would expect adequate safeguards to be put in place to ensure the images are only used for crime detection purposes, stored securely and that access to images is restricted to authorised individuals. We would have concerns if CCTV images of individuals going about their daily lives were retained as part of the initiative.”
When one of the primary safeguards against widespread governmental abuse has been to keep information decentralized in many different spheres of authority, what safeguards then can there be? Is any being currently proposed or is this nothing other than a vague genuflection toward civil liberties?
It should bear mentioning at this point that one of the primary arguments for the CCTV’s, especially the talking CCTV’s, was to discourage “anti-social behavior”, and since “anti-social behavior” can mean a number of different things to a number of different people, one can only conclude that the standard of judgment for what is “anti-social” is entirely subjective to the viewer who sits somewhere behind the nebulous glass lenses of the camera.
Will people demonstrating “anti-social behavior” be registered and cross-referenced and collated into Britain’s national image database of potential criminals? Also, when does the identification of “anti-social behavior” or undesirable behavior become the identification of undesirable people?
Such inferences and questions has led some to speculate whether Britain has just created an “Orwellian Infrastructure” for a future dictator to utilize.
And if this is so, what is to become of freedom in the British Isles. In twenty-five to fifty years, would they even recognize it as being lost?
